The securitisation of the response from the centre through the use of mechanisms such as the Armed Forces Special Powers Act also increased conflict. Although ten people lost their lives at the hands of police bullets in the Patidar protests in in Gujarat, the situation is incomparable to the use of pellet guns in Kashmir in Adeney Within six months people were estimated to have been killed and injured.
Therefore, violent conflict cannot be divorced from the fact that these states have seen their effective autonomy being reduced. In contrast, the unwillingness to make compromises over language alienated many groups from the Pakistani state. This included Bengalis whose language was not recognised as State Language on par with Urdu until It was only belatedly accorded this recognition as a quid pro quo for giving up its demand for a majority of seats to which they were entitled on the basis of their demographic majority in the National Assembly.
Language policy also alienated other groups within Pakistan, notably Sindhis. It was only after the constitutional redrafting in that provinces in Pakistan were able to choose to operate in a language other than Urdu.
This alienation was compounded by exclusion from the core institutions of the state. Bengalis, Sindhis and Balochis all suffered from underrepresentation in institutions such as the army and the bureaucracy Adeney In addition, their provinces suffered from a lack of investment, or, in the case of East Pakistan, under-development, as the resources of the East were extracted to finance the development of the West, particularly that of Punjab province.
This has not only exacerbated conflict between provinces e. In the case of the Punjab, its domination was compounded by the over representation of Punjabis or sections of Punjabis in the core institutions of state such as the army and the bureaucracy.
Forum of Federations
Given that many of the units of the western wing were linguistically heterogeneous, the basis for a reorganisation of provinces along linguistic lines exists — although it must be conceded that parties supporting particular reorganisations such as those agitating for a Seraiki province out of Punjab or a Hindko speaking province out of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa do not receive much electoral support.
In addition, any reorganisation of provinces would have to face up to the thorny issue of the city of Karachi, and demands for it to be separated from the province of Sindh, which would be explosive. Federal re design continues apace in the region and elsewhere. In the South Asia region, federal discussions continue in Myanmar and Nepal. It also prescribes that these territories should be made as homogeneous as possible.
Nagaland and Assam. Where such diversity remains, non-territorial power sharing is necessary in addition to territorial models Bhattacharyya, Suan Hausing et al. However, this comes with a caveat: such autonomy should be part of a wider accommodation of groups within central power structures. In states such as neighbouring Myanmar and Nepal it is important not to pursue a majoritarian-led democratisation. A truly representative democratisation is vital for federations to accommodate territorially concentrated groups successfully. Suggested citation: Adeney, K. Adeney, K.
Federalism and Ethnic Conflict Regulation in India and Pakistan | K. Adeney | Palgrave Macmillan
Federalism and ethnic conflict regulation in India and Pakistan. Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan,: xviii, p. Anderson, L. Bhattacharyya, H. Callaghy, T. Rightsizing the state: the politics of moving borders.
New York, Oxford University Press. Hale, H. Jayal, N.
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Tillin, L. Remapping India: new states and their political origins. London, Hurst. Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan,:xviii, p. Katharine Adeney.cars.cleantechnica.com/una-apuesta-indecorosa-relaciones-escandalosas-n-2.php
Federalism and Ethnic Conflict Regulation in India and Pakistan
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